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Recommendations on the developmentof good neighbourly relationsfollowing Bulgaria’s accession to the EUand in the context of NATO and EU enlargementin the Western BalkansDeveloped under the guidance of Lyubomir Ivanov,with the participation and contribution of
Z. Andonova, P. Atanasov, S. Barakov, B. Bobev, G. Daskalov,A. Dimitrov, B. Dimitrov, E. Ekov, S. Eldarov, Z. Georgiev,S. Hadjitodorov, V. Iliev, Z. Ilieva, N. Kolev, K. Kossev,M. Milanov, I. Mitov, P. Pantev, G. Papakochev, A. Parvanov,A. Popov, V. Rachev, N. Stoyanova, V. Tekelov, M. Traykov,et al.
Sofia, January 2007 / January 2008… it is difficult to explain to the world why we have problemswith almost all [of the neighbouring states]while they do not have so many with each other.(Utrinski Vesnik – Skopje, 12/31/07)1.
FundamentalsAs a Balkan state and an EU and NATO member, and borderingthe Western Balkans, Bulgaria, along with Greece, has the specificresponsibility of guaranteeing that the states aspiring to EU and NATOmembership in the region attain modern European standards of goodneighbourly relations. Bulgaria also needs to set its relations with theRepublic of Macedonia on a sound and sustainable basis not only inthe best interests of Bulgaria’s own citizens, but no less of the citizensof the Republic of Macedonia, and for the successful development ofthe Balkan region as a modern and prosperous part of a United Europe.Bulgaria recently made two particularly important steps in thisdirection, which marked the end of one and the beginning of anotherstage in its bilateral relations with the Republic of Macedonia.The first step was made in 2006 by Bulgarian President Georgi Parvanovand Foreign Minister Ivaylo Kalfin who unequivocally warned Skopje
that the credit of unconditional support originally extended to theRepublic of Macedonia for its European Union and NATO membershiphas been expended, and that future Bulgarian support would dependon the willingness and success of the Republic of Macedonia inadopting and pursuing a policy of good neighbourly relations.The second major step was made during the visit of US PresidentGeorge W. Bush to Sofia in 2007, when both President Parvanov andPrime Minister Sergey Stanishev advised him of the failure of theRepublic of Macedonia to follow a good neighbour policy.Articulated at the highest level, these political messages require theelaboration in greater detail of the full range of policies related toBulgaria’s bilateral relations with the Republic of Macedonia, andtheir development in the new circumstances. This paper aims toformulate some possible starting points for such policies, puttingthem forward for expert analysis, political decision making and promptimplementation, along with due public debate and participation.Bulgarian attitudes and views on the complex set of issues related toBulgarian policy on the Republic of Macedonia, as well as the relevantaspects of Bulgaria’s relations with third states, especially Greece,Albania, Kosovo and Serbia, were formed at various times in history,and thus are the product of various historical realities. As a result, theseattitudes and views are inherently contradictory, effectively hinderingany attempt to pursue consistent and proactive policies. Moreover,the present conceptual framework fails to reflect the most recent,post-January 1, 2007 situation in which Bulgaria is a member of bothNATO and the European Union, while the Republic of Macedonia is not.Owing to these circumstances, the present analysis and the ensuingpolicy recommendations are based on a new interpretation and reevaluation,which requires new approaches in certain aspects.It should be noted that the position of Skopje enjoys better exposureand audibility than the Bulgarian one among decision makers and thegeneral public in Europe, the United States and Canada. Indeed, duringthe last two decades the Republic of Macedonia has been buildingits arguments and international public relations efforts on Yugoslavpropaganda disseminated in the course of forty-odd years, whileduring that time Bulgaria remained virtually silent and refrained fromseeking support for its position from other nations. Macedonism alsobenefits from public sympathy in Europe and North America towardsthe small post-Yugoslav republic, viewed both as an offspring and tosome extent a victim of the Cold War victors.The present pre-accession status of the Republic of Macedonia vis-аvisthe EU and NATO offers a unique window of opportunity to set thecountry’s relations with Bulgaria on a stable and positive basis of goodneighbourliness. If this opportunity is missed, Sofia would only find afairly modest set of means at its disposal to further its cause, while thecapabilities of Skopje would expand. Furthermore, even the strongestarguments of Bulgaria would then become intellectually and morallydeficient; for while the silence and passivity of this country in the pastcould find some explanation (if not justification), the ability to pursuea policy of good neighbourly relations is an important criterion forboth NATO and EU accession by candidate states such as the Republicof Macedonia, and any further silence on the part of Bulgaria wouldbe interpreted by our allies in NATO and EU, and in the Republic ofMacedonia itself as condoning and legitimizing policies and practicesthat cannot be accepted as good and neighbourly by any selfrespectingstate.This paper deals mostly with specific problems in the relationsbetween Bulgaria and the Republic of Macedonia, outlining actionsfor their sustainable solution, while briefly mentioning a variety ofother relevant measures such as joint infrastructure and other projects(including those funded by the EU and NATO), Bulgarian investmentin the economy of the Republic of Macedonia, further streamliningof the procedures for granting Bulgarian citizenship to persons ofBulgarian origin in Balkan states, or incentives for such persons to studyat Bulgarian universities etc. Such measures can undoubtedly facilitatethe resolution of existing problems, but cannot resolve them alone.The present report focuses exclusively on Bulgaria’s policies towards theRepublic of Macedonia. Actions and policies towards third states, orthe EU and NATO are considered only as much as they are essential inachieving the policy goals related to the Republic of Macedonia.1.1. The Republic of MacedoniaThe Macedonian nation and the Macedonian state were created inthe process of implementation and evolution of a well known Serbianpolitical construction originally proposed in 1889, later supported bya decision of the Communist International in Moscow in 1934, andeventually put into effect between 1944 and 1991 in one particularpart of the geographical and historical region of Macedonia (about 36percent of its territory) known as Vardar Macedonia, included in theterritory of Yugoslavia, and governed by the Yugoslav Communist Party.More: Ανιχνεύσεις
that the credit of unconditional support originally extended to theRepublic of Macedonia for its European Union and NATO membershiphas been expended, and that future Bulgarian support would dependon the willingness and success of the Republic of Macedonia inadopting and pursuing a policy of good neighbourly relations.The second major step was made during the visit of US PresidentGeorge W. Bush to Sofia in 2007, when both President Parvanov andPrime Minister Sergey Stanishev advised him of the failure of theRepublic of Macedonia to follow a good neighbour policy.Articulated at the highest level, these political messages require theelaboration in greater detail of the full range of policies related toBulgaria’s bilateral relations with the Republic of Macedonia, andtheir development in the new circumstances. This paper aims toformulate some possible starting points for such policies, puttingthem forward for expert analysis, political decision making and promptimplementation, along with due public debate and participation.Bulgarian attitudes and views on the complex set of issues related toBulgarian policy on the Republic of Macedonia, as well as the relevantaspects of Bulgaria’s relations with third states, especially Greece,Albania, Kosovo and Serbia, were formed at various times in history,and thus are the product of various historical realities. As a result, theseattitudes and views are inherently contradictory, effectively hinderingany attempt to pursue consistent and proactive policies. Moreover,the present conceptual framework fails to reflect the most recent,post-January 1, 2007 situation in which Bulgaria is a member of bothNATO and the European Union, while the Republic of Macedonia is not.Owing to these circumstances, the present analysis and the ensuingpolicy recommendations are based on a new interpretation and reevaluation,which requires new approaches in certain aspects.It should be noted that the position of Skopje enjoys better exposureand audibility than the Bulgarian one among decision makers and thegeneral public in Europe, the United States and Canada. Indeed, duringthe last two decades the Republic of Macedonia has been buildingits arguments and international public relations efforts on Yugoslavpropaganda disseminated in the course of forty-odd years, whileduring that time Bulgaria remained virtually silent and refrained fromseeking support for its position from other nations. Macedonism alsobenefits from public sympathy in Europe and North America towardsthe small post-Yugoslav republic, viewed both as an offspring and tosome extent a victim of the Cold War victors.The present pre-accession status of the Republic of Macedonia vis-аvisthe EU and NATO offers a unique window of opportunity to set thecountry’s relations with Bulgaria on a stable and positive basis of goodneighbourliness. If this opportunity is missed, Sofia would only find afairly modest set of means at its disposal to further its cause, while thecapabilities of Skopje would expand. Furthermore, even the strongestarguments of Bulgaria would then become intellectually and morallydeficient; for while the silence and passivity of this country in the pastcould find some explanation (if not justification), the ability to pursuea policy of good neighbourly relations is an important criterion forboth NATO and EU accession by candidate states such as the Republicof Macedonia, and any further silence on the part of Bulgaria wouldbe interpreted by our allies in NATO and EU, and in the Republic ofMacedonia itself as condoning and legitimizing policies and practicesthat cannot be accepted as good and neighbourly by any selfrespectingstate.This paper deals mostly with specific problems in the relationsbetween Bulgaria and the Republic of Macedonia, outlining actionsfor their sustainable solution, while briefly mentioning a variety ofother relevant measures such as joint infrastructure and other projects(including those funded by the EU and NATO), Bulgarian investmentin the economy of the Republic of Macedonia, further streamliningof the procedures for granting Bulgarian citizenship to persons ofBulgarian origin in Balkan states, or incentives for such persons to studyat Bulgarian universities etc. Such measures can undoubtedly facilitatethe resolution of existing problems, but cannot resolve them alone.The present report focuses exclusively on Bulgaria’s policies towards theRepublic of Macedonia. Actions and policies towards third states, orthe EU and NATO are considered only as much as they are essential inachieving the policy goals related to the Republic of Macedonia.1.1. The Republic of MacedoniaThe Macedonian nation and the Macedonian state were created inthe process of implementation and evolution of a well known Serbianpolitical construction originally proposed in 1889, later supported bya decision of the Communist International in Moscow in 1934, andeventually put into effect between 1944 and 1991 in one particularpart of the geographical and historical region of Macedonia (about 36percent of its territory) known as Vardar Macedonia, included in theterritory of Yugoslavia, and governed by the Yugoslav Communist Party.More: Ανιχνεύσεις
